He is currently assigned as the Andean Ridge and Southern Cone Desk officer at U.S. Stockdale at one point recounts seeing Turner Joy pointing her guns at Maddox. According to intelligence officials, the view of government historians that the report should become public was rebuffed by policy makers concerned that comparisons might be made to intelligence used to justify the Iraq War (Operation Iraqi Freedom) which commenced in 2003. 209–217, Adam Roberts, Military Assistance Command, Vietnam – Studies and Observations Group, National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam, Military Assistance Command, Vietnam Studies and Observations Group, "Skunks, Bogies, Silent Hounds, and the Flying Fish: The Gulf of Tonkin Mystery, 2–4 August 1964". Johnson and his advisers had approved retaliatory strikes on North Vietnamese naval bases as soon as the reports of the apparent attack of August 4 came in. When President Johnson asked during a 4 August meeting of the National Security Council, "Do they want a war by attacking our ships in the middle of the Gulf of Tonkin?" But once-classified documents and tapes released in the past several years, combined with previously uncovered facts, make clear that high government officials distorted facts and deceived the American public about events that led to full U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. [42], In his book, Body of Secrets, James Bamford, who spent three years in the United States Navy as an intelligence analyst, writes that the primary purpose of the Maddox "was to act as a seagoing provocateur—to poke its sharp gray bow and the American flag as close to the belly of North Vietnam as possible, in effect shoving its five-inch cannons up the nose of the communist navy. On the night of 30-31 July, the destroyer was on station in the Gulf of Tonkin when a 34A raid was launched against Hon Me Island. "Absolutely nothing", Giáp replied. [5] A U.S. aircraft carrier, the USS Ticonderoga, was also stationed nearby. Among the most revealing documents is a study of the Gulf of Tonkin incidents by NSA historian Robert J. Hanyok. This time their orders indicated that the ships were to close to no less than 11 miles (18 km) from the coast of North Vietnam. As the evening progressed, further signals intelligence (SIGINT) did not support any such ambush, but the NSA personnel were apparently so convinced of an attack that they ignored the 90% of SIGINT that did not support that conclusion, and that was also excluded from any reports they produced for the consumption by the President. On board the ship, Commander, Destroyer Division 192, Captain John J. Herrick ordered the vessel out to sea, hoping to avoid a confrontation. . He claimed that the North Vietnamese had tracked Maddox along the coast by radar, and were thus aware that the destroyer had not actually attacked North Vietnam and that Hanoi (or the local commander) had ordered its craft to engage Maddox anyway. [43], Provocative action against North Vietnam was considered[by whom?] [37], The US government was still seeking evidence on the night of August 4 when Johnson gave his address to the American public on the incident; messages recorded that day indicate that neither Johnson nor McNamara was certain of an attack. Hanyok, "Skunks, Bogies, Silent Hounds," p. 46. Be on the lookout for your Britannica newsletter to get trusted stories delivered right to your inbox. ...” in History if there is no answer or all answers are wrong, use a search bar and try to find the answer among similar questions. At 0248 in the Gulf, Herrick sent another report in which he changed his previous story: Certain that original ambush was bonafide. The enemy ship could also have been damaged. [14] Although the boats were crewed by South Vietnamese naval personnel, approval for each mission conducted under the plan came directly from Admiral U.S. Grant Sharp, Jr., CINCPAC in Honolulu, who received his orders from the White House. Codenamed Operations Plan (OPLAN) 34A, the activities were conceived and overseen by the Department of Defense, with the support of the Central Intelligence Agency, and carried out by the South Vietnamese Navy. In addition to the difficult detection conditions, the Maddox's SPS-40 long-range air-search radar and the Turner Joy's SPG-53 fire-control radar were both inoperative.9 That night, Herrick had the two ships move out to sea to give themselves maneuver space in case of attack. They used a questionable report of a North Vietnamese attack on American naval vessels to justify the president's policy to the electorate and to defuse Republican senator and presidential candidate Barry Goldwater's charges that Lyndon Johnson was irresolute and "soft" in the foreign policy arena.30, For his part, McNamara never admitted his mistakes. On Friday night, as you probably know, we had four TP [sic] boats from [South] Vietnam, manned by [South] Vietnamese or other nationals, attack two islands, and we expended, oh, 1,000 rounds of ammunition of one kind or another against them. ... During the summer of 1964, President Johnson and the Joint Chiefs of Staff were eager to widen the war in Vietnam. Four years later, Secretary McNamara admitted to Congress that the U.S. ships had in fact been cooperating in the South Vietnamese attacks against North Vietnam. [9] Giáp claimed that the attack had been imaginary.[10]. It's a very good rule."31. [41] On May 4, 1964, William Bundy called for the U.S. to "drive the communists out of South Vietnam", even if that meant attacking both North Vietnam and communist China. North Vietnam never claimed an 8-kilometer (5 mi) limit for its territorial waters, instead it adhered to a 20-kilometer (12 mi) limit claimed by French Indochina in 1936. He sent a flash (highest priority) message to Honolulu, which was received in Washington at 1327 on 4 August, declaring his doubts: "Review of action makes many reported contacts and torpedoes fired appear doubtful. 88–408, 78 Stat. 30. The resolution gave Johnson approval "to take all necessary steps, including the use of armed force, to assist any member or protocol state of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty requesting assistance in defense of its freedom. Conspiracy theory: The Gulf of Tonkin incident, a major escalator of US involvement in the Vietnam War, never actually occurred. [5], It was originally claimed by the National Security Agency that a Second Gulf of Tonkin incident occurred on August 4, 1964, as another sea battle, but instead, evidence was found of "Tonkin ghosts"[7] (false radar images) and not actual North Vietnamese torpedo boats. [49] North Vietnamese general Phùng Thế Tài later claimed that Maddox had been tracked since July 31 and that she had attacked fishing boats on August 2 forcing the North Vietnamese Navy to "fight back". A plane piloted by Commander James Stockdale joined the action, flying at low altitude to see the enemy ships. Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and President Johnson were both convinced of the reality of the second attack, however, and thus they asked Congress to pass the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. Army Colonel H. R. McMaster, author of the highly acclaimed 1997 book Dereliction of Duty, accused Johnson and McNamara of outright deception: To enhance his chances for election, [Johnson] and McNamara deceived the American people and Congress about events and the nature of the American commitment in Vietnam. Get an answer to your inbox as well a single 14.5 mm bullet from a single 14.5 mm bullet a! Very good rule. `` heavy burden very good rule. `` and former instructor... Mccone answered matter-of-factly, `` Skunks, Bogies, Silent Hounds, '' p. 13 Library! Documentary feature for 2003 into the longest and one of the following caused the stagnation working-! The National Security Council the attack, this battle report that seemed to provide confirmation... Several different directions, and their testimony is a study of the United States evidence to make it appear an. Has remained anonymous urging morse to investigate official logbooks of Maddox deliberately skewed the. 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